Self-Awareness Achieved Through The Struggles In and Out of Society

The main characters revolving around each of these pieces of literature, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain, Emma by Jane Austen, and My Name is Asher Lev by Chaim Potok, have been positioned in different facets of society.Each of the protagonists have been endowed with qualities, traits and profiles that can strike attention for a reader, for an easier follow-through on each character’s progression or development as a character, at the same time the novel nears it climax and end.Huck, Emma and Asher have detached themselves from their old principles and life perspectives, as described by a number of literary techniques, and have entered into a new phase of self-realization, consciousness, awareness – the becoming of a new person.Huckleberry Finn, among the three protagonists, is considered to have been immersed in the most unlucky circumstances. Coming from the bottom sector of the society, Huck, as a child had formed a grave loathing for the society. He should undergo an enduring series of obstacles before he becomes the final and developed character in the story. Along the progression of the novel, Huck has turned this loathing into a substantial amount of doubt and distrust, but, we continually see Huck repeatedly rejected and violated by society. It was as if society turned him down when he desperately needed it.Consequently, Huck conjures up his independence from this society. Coming from this point, we can extrapolate Huck’s development as a character. There would only be two ways in Huck’s face, either he becomes a part of the society he despises or totally cut himself away from it.Emma Woodhouse, the female protagonist of Jane Austen, is a brilliant woman with all the money and approval of everyone around her. But, as the story progresses, we may realize that Emma could have had much of what she should actually have.Taken from the novel, Emma might have been to controlling of circumstances – things going her own way, and must have viewed a little too good of herself. This takes us to Austen’s clues on Emma’s flaws that shall play a great deal on the future blossoming of events and conflict, as well as, Emma’s development as a character. This is important as one reads through the progression of the novel and Emma.Asher Lev is the most distinct character of the three having rooted from a very restricted Jewish group. In his early years, Asher has developed an inclination towards the arts and eventually developed a talent for it.Restricted his community is – religious, for that matter, Asher is obliged to submit himself to the strict rituals of being a Hasidic Jew. An internal conflict within Asher begins to boil as he must choose between art and religion. Questions, such as, obligation and passion, emotion and priority will be raised in the entire novel. And the same questions shall guide the reader into Asher Lev’s character development and the rev elation of the novel itself.The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn is set before the eradication of slavery which was of very controversial value. And this setting has become the major stir in Huck’s character development. Huck Finn is a non-conformist. He doesn’t readily accept the conventions of society. In this novel, slavery as a major subject, Huck was faced with decisions that heavily moral in nature. These decisions, which were controversial enough, left a very significant change in Huck Finn’s emotional and moral development. This is evident as he helps a slave, Jim, to find his way to freedom.Huck Finn may have had a difficult time overcoming societal pressures on his non-conformism but this is Mark Twain’s way of characterizing Huck as a person who is independent of society – which is the very point of his development as a character. Huckleberry Finn developed as a character because of his own doing. He developed as an individual by drawing h is own conclusions of the world apart from himself. His choice, his non-conformism, diverged into many factors that molded his final self in the novel.Emma, on the other hand, extracts her character development from the conflicts within the society. This is her distinction from Huck Finn. She hails from an affluent sector of the society and has been chained in its very strong limitations – confined in what is acceptable at the time. Her matchmaking practice has caused her the very same conflicts that shall allow her development as a character in the novel.These conflicts, apart from development, showed Emma a better picture of how her actions created an inflicting effect on the people in her society. This is the root of Emma’s self-realization.

American Identity Paper

Occurred an American Is a person who doesn't have much compared to the people in Europe. There are no kings, lords, or bishops that have all the power. In America every person works for himself and finds a way to travel to where is needed. Coming through America there isn't castles or fancy mansions everywhere compared to Europe. People live in huts made out of clay and cabins where men and cattle lay to keep warm.When a person comes to America they are considered free and are able to be equal among others. There isn't one person who is in charge like a prince or princess that controls all of the people. Every person Is able to make their own decision on whatever they choose to do In America. America Is a mixture of people with different cultures that come together as one community who do not Judge one another or look down upon. There Is no rich or poor community, every person Is considered to be equal among one another.America Is now considered the most perfect society In the world today. Living in the British Society, many people were belittled and frowned upon because they were poor or didn't meet certain standards of others. As Occurred says, â€Å"The rich and the poor are not so far removed from each other as they are in Europe† meaning that being poor led to being a slave and lived in horrible areas. Many people that were poor didn't want to continue living that way. There was one ruler who may have been the king, lord or bishop that was In control of everyone and told the people what to do.As man started traveling out of Europe and moved towards America, It was realized that they didn't have to continue living the way they were. People were not being controlled In American and told what to do as In Europe. As America was being discovered the people saw what is was like to be free and equal among the other people and decided to move there. Any race or culture is accepted and will not be judged or criticized. Not one person is considered to be poor or rich and also every person was free and didn't have to live under one person as a ruler.Every person was able to make their own decisions on what they chose to do. By libertarian's According to Cry ©voucher an American is a person who doesn't have much equal among others. There isn't one person who is in charge like a prince or princess that controls all of the people. Every person is able to make their own decision on whatever they choose to do in America. America is a mixture of people with different down upon. There is no rich or poor community, every person is considered to be equal among one another.America is now considered the most perfect society in the because they were poor or didn't meet certain standards of others. As Occurred Many people that were poor didn't want to continue living that way. There was one ruler who may have been the king, lord or bishop that was in control of everyone and towards America, it was realized that they didn't have to continue living t he way they People were not being controlled in American and told what to do as in Europe. As and will not be Judged or criticized. Not one person is considered to be poor or rich

Sustainable Solutions Paper. DBA strategy Essay

Sustainable Solutions Paper. DBA strategy - Essay Example As a business that deals with fashion and lifestyle products, Albani is concerned with sustainability of its customers and suppliers. Being a leading company in the perfume industry, Albani can be ranked as a successful or unsuccessful company through considerable consideration of its business environment. This will require the use of appropriate and up to date business analysis tools including porter’s five forces, general force analysis tools, SWOT analysis, and detailed value analysis. Sustainable operations will only result from strategic thinking and planning by the company’s managers. In the strategic planning, the company will require addressing both its production and supply channels. Executive Summary Sustainability of a business depends on various factors. These factors are fundamental characteristic of the business environment in which a firm operates. The sustainable solution paper analyzes the immediate environment of Albani Corporation. The paper also anal yzes the future of the company in terms of sustainability of its strategies and business structures. The sustainable solution paper begins by looking at the internal environment of the company. Internal business environment include immediate business factors controlled by the business. Such factors define the weakness and the strength of the company in relation to its competitors. Secondly, the paper analyzes the external environment of the company. Through the analysis, the paper utilizes essential industry analysis tools, which include SWOT/ SCOT analysis, landscape analysis, Boid analysis, Value Chain Analysis. Based on the above industrial and business analysis tool, the paper gives a long tern focus on the future of the market and industry in which Albani company operates (Alas, 2007). This focus or prediction is based on strategies derived from each of the analysis. General Force Analysis: the company is subject to economic forces that affects people’s purchasing power and way of life. Technology determines the production capacity and quality of the products that the company produces. Finally, consumption of Albani products is based on demographic factors such as gender ratios and dependency ratio it was established that the company targets people aged between 15- 40 years of age. Porter’s Five-Force Analysis Power of buyers: Buyers in the perfume industry have relatively low power and hence a low effect on the prices of the products Bargaining power of suppliers: The industry has few suppliers and hence they have high powers or ability to control the market and profitability of firms. Threats of substitutes: the industry has greatly differentiated products and hence minimal threats of substitutes. SWOT Analysis Strengths: Strong brand and Wide customer base are the main strengths of the company. Weakness: Using its positive values or strength the company hopes to eliminate its weakness, which includes Stretching demand and requirements for summer fragrances. Opportunity: By utilizing its strengths, the company hopes to exploits its opportunities, which include Emerging markets, winter fragrances. Threats: Finally, the company can counter its threatening factors by eliminating its weakness, which includes influx of cheap products, and Changing trends and fashion. Fitness Landscape and Analysis The perfume industry is a dynamic industry that is expanding constantly. However, the company is

Ethical issues in urban planning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Ethical issues in urban planning - Essay Example The code of ethics and the ethical principles in planning, present a comprehensive insight to the planners regarding their professional duties and responsibilities. The key ideas and principles that are highlighted in the code of ethics and ethical principles are given below. Aspirational values are discussed in much more detail that provide the planners a sense of commitment and belonging to different stakeholder especially pertaining to institute, profession, colleagues, clients, employers and the general public. However, the responsibilities of the planners in this respect are not binding to them. Code of ethics also provides specific procedures to deal with misconduct charges. Detailed discussions are highlighted in respect of proceeding of a misconduct case, rulings and the alleged violations in the code of ethics. Another quite important aspect that is highlighted in the code is the matters relating to serious crime commitments. Very stringent and rigorous procedures are detailed in the code of ethics with serious consequences in case if a crime is proved in respect of a planner. The ethical principles emphasize the planners on achieving high degree of standards while serving to the public interest as part of their utmost professional liability. This principle requires planner to provide accurate information to the public, plan for the needs of public, clarify the true goals and objectives, safe guard of environmental heritage and concentrate on decision making process along with the consequences of them Another promising feature of the ethical principle states that planners should ensure the integrity and proficiency so that the image of profession should not be hampered. For this objective, the planners are restricted in their dealings such that maintaining integrity and faithfulness, prohibiting the acceptance of the gifts,

Self interest rightly understood VS altruism Essay

Self interest rightly understood VS altruism - Essay Example Although everybody has his or her own life, the principle of self-interest rightly understood underlies the concept of mutual interdependency among a democratic American society. Another important point is the admirable conformity of self-interest to human weaknesses. It is easy to learn and retain the traits of altruism and combine personal interests towards a common good that override selfish interests of individuality. An example of the concept of self-interest rightly understood is its self-regarding nature that connects a person’s private life with that of others in the society. The article mentions that it is a remedy to unnecessary individualism and self-centeredness. Self-interest rightly understood encourages collectivism regarding altruism in a way that convinces people that their actions in the society still come back to them and affect their private life. The article cites Montaigne who mentions that virtuousness results in happiness in the society. This confirms that a person’s private interest should be to do well and adhere to the traditional doctrine of interest towards common

Habermas the Public Sphere Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Habermas the Public Sphere - Essay Example 1-13). According to many political theorists, the public sphere is an important entity for a strong democracy. The public and the private spheres acquired a clear distinction in the 17th and 18th century. The public sphere usually consists of informal citizen discussions and deliberations that lead to the formation of a public opinion which is rational enough to guide and influence political systems. Habermas has given a complete outline of the public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. (1989). This piece of work outlines the public sphere critical theory in a systematically developed manner (Dahlgren, 1995, p. 44). The public sphere thus develops from the realms of public authority as well as private relations. The private relations may involve the family and the civil society at large. The private individuals, therefore, come together to form the public sphere. They are driven by the notion of speech without censorship as well as the desire for unified reasoning. According to Habermas, therefore, the public sphere involves both historical economic and political concerns. He continues to explain that every communication contains a communicative action which is oriented towards an agreement. Whenever a matter concerning living together as a people with differences is debated, the public sphere is always constituted. The public sphere became more of a commercial and entertainment entity rather than its conserving its political character. The shift from the original character to other commercialized versions is documented in the press. Habermas, therefore, looks at the integration of literature and journalism as well as the role played by mass media. The public sphere was also affected by the emergence of mass media. The apparent evolution of the communications environment has made the public sphere to change to a platform for advertisements. As a result of these, there emerges a new class of participants such as public relations practitioners (Thompson, 1993, p. 67). Democracy, according to Habermas, is founded on the world of life. It is this world of life that enables free communication between different people. It also drives people into pursuing private and individual interests as opposed to common goals in life. The media plays a crucial role in any democracy. This comes easier, of course, if the environment is right. Such an environment is one which consists of the requisite skills that enable democratic reporting. The media is most of the time flooded with advertisements that target some individual tastes. The information that is presented is also based on the pre-existing views. There should, therefore, be mechanisms which check for public accountability as well as professionalism in media operations. One of the characteristics that identify a democracy is the independence of the media. This is strengthened by the financial viability of the media organizatio ns. Financial strength ensures that the media operates in an environment free of external influences, especially political influences (Hallin, 1994, p.12). The media is also an essential for checking the political system when that system is unable to meet the social expectations. The media is, however, not expected to entertain political bias or partisan reporting at all. Accessibility of the media

Jewish Marriage Ceremony Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Jewish Marriage Ceremony - Essay Example The Temple Executive Director handles a broad range of details and logistics. The director is well placed to offer answers to numerous questions in relation to the planning of the wedding ceremony. Further, the temple is also used as a wedding ceremony. Besides the temple, Jewish wedding ceremonies occur in other settings, such as hotels, gardens, and restaurants (Ahabah 4). Before the couples settle for a location outside the synagogue, they are required to consult with the Rabbi to be sure whether it would be suitable for them to travel to that place. According to Jewish customary laws, the Rabbi of the congregation where the wedding ceremony is taking place to officiate at the marriage ceremony. However, at Beth Ahabah, this procedure is a matter of policy (Ahabah 4). The couples are allowed to choose a different Rabbi to officiate for their marriage ceremony even though he is not affiliated with the location congregation. Before the actual marriage ceremony takes place, the bride and groom are required to discuss with the Rabbi many of the details surrounding the ceremony itself. Additionally, most of the families arrange rehearsal ceremonies to practice the recessional, professional, and the placement of people on the Bimah. Typically, a wedding florist, consultant, or photographer conducts the rehearsal. During the rehearsal ceremony, the Rabbi is not expected to attend. The rehearsal ceremonies are normally scheduled with the executive director and if they are held on Fridays, they must be conducted before 6 pm.

Against Method. Is the approach to science a valid form of inquiry Essay

Against Method. Is the approach to science a valid form of inquiry - Essay Example Paul Feyerabend’s Against Method challenges modern science in various aspects. He believes that contemporary science has been unchallenged for many years, and its methodologies and assumptions require to be reviewed.He asserts that people can comprehend scientific advances by focusing in historical contexts. He analyzes how the philosophy of science has constantly overstressed on practice over method, and believes the potentiality of anarchism replacing rationalism in the field theory of knowledge. Moreover, the American experience movie by Kinsey (2005) explores American sexuality in rather a sloppy and a bit unscientific manner. He tackles the issues of the ignorance of American undergraduate concerning sex in his documentary. Therefore, both Kinsey and Feyerabend are massive in going against the contemporary scientific methods, to highlight their topics and make their stance concerning the production of knowledge. Those refuting the arguments of Feyerabend claim that he opp ortunistically redefines science between process and institution for his own benefits. They claim that he constructs a straw man from the notions that science is based in creating facts as rather than on models. However, as someone who was captivated by the notion of rationality and its correlation to method, Feyerabend constructed a strong case against the belief that there was a correct technique, which people can trust in the production of scientific knowledge. Therefore, he strongly opposed methods in every form and promoted an anarchistic stance concerning the production of scientific knowledge (Brace, 1). ... He chief idea was that immediately after people form a definition of a method they should as well define the constitutes of the correct way of carrying out activities, which involves practicing limit of both what they can obtain and themselves. This is because a certain method, which has accompanying, measures of success, results to given consequences. According to Feyerabend, this means that the consequences of methods are both limiting and oppressive. Thus, when scholars or scientists are permitted to assess the world in an established manner, they reduce the potentiality of finding novel comprehensions and explanations, which might be more informative and richer (Brace, 1). Critics argue that Feyerabend does not tackle critical factors if his notions were to be taken seriously. They argue that he is famous because he ignores the question of what makes a scientific result better than other results because his argument only states that scientific results do not always result in bett er outcomes. However, Feyerabend argues that this aspect does not necessarily result to better results because sometimes people are dealing with a certain given aspect rather than a universal notion. The arguments of Feyerabend are apparent in the scientific documentary Kinsey whereby the role of science in inquiry and inquiry itself is explored. As aforementioned, it is argued that Feyerabend was against the application of methods in science. This was with the aim of avoiding scientific pretentions, which were observable in the scientific scenario. For instance, in the aforementioned film, it appears that the scientific study of Kinsley was motivated by his childhood experiences ( Goodman and Maggio). The struggles of the protagonist in the early stages of his

Simon Schama's Jacques-Louis David and Delacroix's Coursework

Simon Schama's Jacques-Louis David and Delacroix's "Liberty Leading the People" - Coursework Example The presenter pointed out that in the later historical events political and social life in France really resembled one in Ancient Rome so life really caught up with art of Jacques-Louis David. The second video clip presented the viewers with interesting facts about Delacroix’s â€Å"Liberty Leading the People†. It was pointed out that this picture is not only valuable from aesthetic point of view, but is historically important as well. There are numerous symbols that are depicted in the painting such as the allegorical figure of the liberty, the intense violence that happened on the streets. Some details are too small to be recognized at once. For example, one of the people who are killed is in his night gown, suggesting that the government oppressed the opposition in order to make sure that people will not riot, this way reinforcing the

Organizational Behavior-No Fair Pay In This Place Essay Example for Free

Organizational Behavior-No Fair Pay In This Place Essay The purpose of this paper is to examine the motivational effects of pay level on worker performance. It is discusses some of the elements that contributed to the employees in Western Satellite office to express feelings of inequality. Some of these elements include academic qualifications, educational background, just to mention but a few. The paper also tackles some of the reasons why the New York worker is considered a ‘comparison other’ as opposed to the worker in Seattle. Moreover, the paper explores how the issue of inequality in the case- no fair pay in this place was either resolved or not. For instance, we find in this case that this issue was not resolved. Last but not least, the paper also examines some of the other factors that may have contributed to the dissatisfaction that was experience by the two workers. Some of these factors include; lack of communication, culture, lack of adaptability, lack of empathy, just to mention but a few. Introduction  The purpose of this paper is to examine the case study that revolves around no fair pay in the workplace and the fact that employees working from different cities receive different numerations irrespective of how much responsibility one has within the organization, their academic qualifications and the years of experience within the industry in which they are operating. (Armstrong, 2006, p. 62) Question One What are some of the elements which contributed to the employees feelings of inequality? These include educational background, years of experience, responsibilities that one has and last but not least academic qualifications. The employees were stressed with the kind of work they had to perform such as having heavy load of unhappy clients and their urgent demands, complaining customers, just to mention but a few. (Meredith, 2004, p. 2) Susan was hired based on her degree in Business Administration. She was responsible in planning, problem solving and supervising a number of employees and this included Dan Donaldson, a public relations spokesperson of the company. However, despite all these responsibilities, she received a remuneration of $30,000 per annum. This was very disappointing since she had 20 years of customer relations and supervisory know-how, not to mention the current degree that she had received in business. (Meredith, 2004, p. 3) On the contrary, Helen who was based at the headquarters in New York received $40,000 in only ten months as opposed to 12. This made Susan furious since she had no customer contact, no university education, no one to supervise and no seniority. In a nutshell, Helen had an annual salary of $48,000. (Meredith, 2004, p. 3) Pay determination may possibly have one or more objectives, which may frequently be in conflict with each other. The primary is equity, and this may take numerous forms. They comprise income distribution through reduction of inequalities, defending real earnings (purchasing power), and the notion of equal pay for work of equivalent value. Moreover, pay differentials based on differences in skills are all associated to the idea of fairness. (Deckop, 2006, p. 65) Performance pay systems in organizations are based on assessment of the personality worker, often by their line administrator who may or may not be experienced in process. Performance pay is extensively renowned as contributing to pay inequalities, predominantly in this case (New York and Seattle). (Culbert, 1996, p. 68) Question Two Why the New York worker was considered a ‘comparison other’ but not the worker in Seattle? The New York worker was considered a ‘comparison other’ because the front lines of the job were in Seattle where the client based was centered and the services were rendered. Moreover, employees at Seattle received heavy load of unhappy clients and their urgent demands while she contentedly remained in her comfort zone that was stress free. Research has recommended that some individuals are more flourishing in their careers than others even when they have had equivalent learning and experimental opportunities. One clarification for these disparities may possibly relate to differences between intellectual intelligence (IQ) and emotional intelligence (EQ). IQ measures academic competencies or one’s aptitude to use acquaintance in making decisions and adapting to innovative situations. This can best be illustrated with Helen who works in at the headquarters in New York. However, as much as she is based in New York, all the tasks are carried out in Seattle, and this means that she is not using the little experience and experimental opportunities that she acquired to perform her duties. (Lamal, 1991, p. 72) On the other hand, EQ is a measure of expressive and societal competencies or one’s aptitude to recognize expressive expressions in someone and others. Even though both can be enhanced through training and altered over time, EQ is separate from IQ in that it is one’s aptitude to standardize emotions in reaction to ecological stimulus. EQ has been popularized as an educated skill that is a superior interpreter of life success than intellectual achievement or technological aptitude. This can best be illustrated with Susan and Dan Donaldson who had superior performance, academic achievements, work experience and interpersonal skills. They had to deal with resolving customers issues on a daily basis while Helen and her fellow workers who were based in New York sat and waited for the final produce that came from Seattle. (Harris, 2001, p. 78) The workplace surroundings idea also sees entity firm level performance such as efficiency, productivity, efficiency and competitiveness; as a result of not only the sufficiency supply of human resources with suitable skills, but also a workplace surroundings that incessantly optimizes the use of these skills throughout the way work is intended and prearranged, the suitability, access and association of supports and tools to do the work, the association of decision making, rewards and appreciation for performance. The New York worker is considered a ‘comparison worker’ as opposed to the worker in Seattle since she lacks interpersonal skills, academic achievements, superior performance, just to mention but a few. Despite all these, she is considered the best just because she is based at the head office located in New York. (Bate, 1994, p. 81) On the other hand, the Seattle worker who has all the necessary qualities such as work experience, interpersonal skills and academic qualifications; is looked down upon just because she is operating in Seattle. (Meredith, 2004, p. 2) Question Three  How was the inequality resolved? The inequality was not resolved at all. As a matter of fact, once Mr. James commented that nobody said that it was fair and rather, that was how the staff in New York are remunerated, that was the end of the discussion. Mr. James did not validate his statement, neither did he explain why that was the case. Instead, he was interested in how Susan found out about Helen’s salary. (Meredith, 2004, p. 3) Participation in the labor force is usually regarded as an important measurement of equality. Having a job is significant to individuals. Jobs are a numerically important starting point for livelihoods. They are also significant proportions of social respect, acknowledgment, individuality and self esteem. Even though the sources and solutions for increasing inequality are multifaceted and open to dispute, the corporeal and psychosomatic penalties are real and straightforward. (Mathis, 2006, p. 99) It is understandable that we require more than legislation, bylaw and exacting programs to generate a diverse workforce usual in association. We also need customs of understanding the challenges. This mean examination of ‘what goes wrong’. Both the need for continuous coercive dealings and the phenomena of the turning door or equity tell us regarding the pervasive and systemic character of the status quo in workforce composition and in the organization and conduct of business and government. (Max, 204, p. 104) When individuals talk concerning inequality, they tend to center completely on the proceeds part of the equation. According to the case- no fair pay in this place, there is the gap between the employees in New York and Seattle and this is based on remuneration amongst the employees. (Armstrong, 2006, p. 8) The verification of increasing disparity in the United States and around the globe is both obvious and disturbing. As power, capital, and probability are increasingly concerted in the hands of the extremely few, this age of â€Å"haves† and â€Å"have not† is connected with a wide range of unenthusiastic outcomes for faraway too countless. A good illustration is seen in the case-no fair pay in this place, where Western Satellite Office workers are experiencing inequality problems based on remuneration since they are not based in New York where the head office is situated. They are the ones who experience customer service problems since each and every customer wants to be served and at the end of the day, they feel so stressed and worn out, yet when it comes to remuneration they receive less than what the worker in New York receive. This is not fair since the worker in New York doesn’t experience the pressure that the Seattle worker receives. (Lamal, 1991, p. 106 Question Four What are the other factors which may have contributed to the dissatisfaction experienced by these two workers? Culture A managerial culture affects how the company performs. Culture is the behavior of a group of individuals. This consists of; the beliefs, civilization, acquaintance and practices. Individuals depend on it for security, evenness and the ability to act in response in a given circumstance. (Harris, 2001, p. 92) According to this case, the reason why Helen and Susan received different remuneration was because Helen was situated at the head office in New York. This was the culture of that organization that was based on the location of the city. Therefore, Susan having been situated at Seattle was bound on her $30,000 per annum, and this was regardless of her qualifications. (Meredith, 2004, p. 3) Lack of Communication Generally, lack of communication on the part of the boss contributes to the displeasure among the workers in the association. Communication problems are a purpose of message and organizational procedure, and managerial factors. Effectual communication of performance requirements to all workers will reduce the number of complaints and grievances. Nonattendance of this communication domino effect in workers not performing. For instance in our case, when Susan was about to present her case, Mr. James had already predicted and he simply brushed the matter off by making a comment concerning the issue. He didn’t give room for discussion concerning that matter; neither did he give an explanation nor a satisfactory solution. This resulted to laxity among the workers in the western satellite office. (Bate, 1994, p. 98) By not communicating well enough, Mr.  James avoided to get into dialogue concerning important issues such as, the reason why employees in New York receiving a higher pay as opposed to employees in Seattle. This made him appear unavailable and uncaring to Susan and the employees of Western Satellite Office; this resulted in hurting teamwork spirit and cooperation within the organization. (Deckop, 2006, p. 110) Lack of Self awareness and accurate self-assessment Without self awareness and self-assessment, Mr. James was too quick to brush off the matter that Susan had presented to him. He was unable to accept useful feedback, and he didn’t have a realistic awareness of his strengths or limitations. As a result, it created problems in their work relationships and in their personal relationships. (Culbert, 1996, p. 115) Lack of Empathy When leaders fail to demonstrate sufficient empathy in times of hesitation or crisis, they will probable be seen as unresponsive, hardhearted and in-authentic- all of which will make workers be less supportive and less communicative. The boss may be left feeling misunderstood, and will have complexity â€Å"reading† their workers. This is exactly what Mr. James did and as a result, Susan’s ability to work drastically diminished and she became less concerned with her duties and responsibilities in the workplace. (Mathis, 2006, p. 120) Lack of Adaptability Without elasticity and adaptableness, Mr. James responded negatively to the core issue that was troubling his employee Susan. This revealed emotional strain to Susan since she had to shift priorities; expressed frustration with change; had difficulties adapting Mr.  James responses and tactics to fit the emerging circumstance; and ultimately she was hesitant in taking on new challenges. (Max, 2004, p. 126) Lack of self-management Without good self management, Mr. James reacted precipitately when he predicted that there was bound to be conflict at work. This made him respond to problems in a non-constructive manner that resulted to unwanted consequences such as laxity amongst the employees (Susan). (Harris, 2001, p. 118) Conclusion  In a civilized workplace, individuals who work well ought to be rewarded through decent pay, endorsement and new opportunities, the possibility to build up new skills, admiration from coworker and management, and the individual gratification and satisfaction that comes from doing a job well. Culture determines the type of management, communication, and cluster dynamics within the association. The employees usually recognize this as the excellence of work life which directs their measure of motivation. The concluding outcome is generally performance, human being satisfaction, individual growth and expansion. All these rudiments unite to build the model or structure that the association operates from. However, all these elements are not revealed in our case since Mr. James chose not to allow room for discussion. He lacked communication skills and empathy and as a result, there was poor turnover in Susan’s output. Generally, in an organization, employers should be open with their employees and allow a forum for discussion and participation. For instance in this case, Mr.  James would have allowed Susan to present her queries and later on try to explain to her why the workers in New York had to receive a better pay than workers in Seattle. Moreover, there should be restructuring of some of the rules in Western Satellite Office and promote job enrichment. This will facilitate enlargement of the individuals within the association, better worker performance for the association, there will be maximum use of human resources for the general public at large (both in New York and Seattle), enlargement of the individual, and self-actualization of the individual.

Analysis of Contemporary British Preaching Styles

Analysis of Contemporary British Preaching Styles The concept of preaching Chapter Two Contextual Literature Review 2.1 Establishing a starting point. Sermons are not a kind of discourse given much serious public attention in twenty-first century Britain. The very concept of preaching often brings with it negative connotations. To accuse any contemporary commentator of preaching is to suggest that unsubstantiated opinions are being delivered in a tedious manner. That in such common usage preaching is almost invariably a highly critical or even condemnatory epithet indicates something of the social standing of the practice of preaching. Preaching is not an activity that is generally thought of as either intellectually or emotionally engaging. It is, rather, something that is considered to be at best passà ©, and at worst wholly untrustworthy. If challenged, those who speak of preaching in such pejorative terms will often cite the cultural distance in practice and understanding between contemporary society and the sermon form as the basis of their judgment. Mention will be made of the social irrelevance of the content of typical sermons, the perceived authoritarian position of the preacher, and the strangeness of the environment in which sermons usually occur. It is also likely that the methodology employed will be judged anachronistic, static, long-winded, and overly didactic for people used to the methods and time-frames of electronic media. The implication is that preaching is somehow out of place in modern society and that, therefore, the negative attitudes displayed in the colloquial use of the term preaching is something new. It is fashionably contemporary to adopt a contemptuous or at best a jocular attitude towards preaching. I use the term fashionably to emphasize that preaching is not the only discourse to receiv e such widespread opprobrium: advertising is similarly widely scorned yet, given the vast sums of money spent on it, is evidently effective nonetheless (Kilbourne, 1999: 34). Voiced contempt of preaching as a worthwhile actively is not necessarily to be taken at face value. As has been stated in the introduction, this thesis seeks to present an analysis of contemporary British preaching as a practice of social mnemonics. As the idea of social practice in that terminology refers to the whole of society rather than an interest group or a few like-minded people gathered together, such a perspective may appear to be an oxymoron given that recent poling suggests only just over six per cent of the adult population of the UK are churchgoers (see Brierley, 2008). This literature review will, nevertheless, seek to establish that Christian preachers who have reflected in depth on their practice in recent generations have invariably assumed that homiletics is an aspect of public discourse rather than an institutionally confined and specialized type of communication. In recent times, justifying that assumption has become more and more difficult, as this review will demonstrate. It has to be admitted that preaching no longer has the place in society-wide awareness i t once enjoyed, despite the occasional headline making exceptions, such as Archbishop Robert Runcies sermon at the Falklands War Memorial Service on 26th June 1982 that reportedly so annoyed the then Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher (Brown, 2000). Despite the decline in preachings social status, this study argues that there are always connections between homiletic theory and wider social discourse, and that discovering those connections is a mnemonic skill required of all preachers. That many studies (for example, Ford. (1979); Bausch, (1996); and Day, Astley and Francis, (2005)) have observed that since at least the 1960s the idea of preaching as a worthwhile arena of social discourse has been repeatedly and vigorously questioned is part of the contextualization with which this thesis is concerned. That the very word preaching brings with it negative connotations that touch even regular Christian worshippers, as N.T. Wright observes in his foreword to the Reader on Preaching (Day, 2005: ix), is part of the social understanding this study aims to examine. The colloquial usage that applies the word preaching to the expression of any unsubstantiated opinions, or any speech delivered in a tedious manner, is not a prejudice that serious homiletic theory can simply ignore. That usage is widespread and is, for example, represented in the 1995 edition of the Oxford English Reference Dictionary where the second definition of preach is give moral advice in an obtrusive w ay. Similarly, the use of the word preaching as a highly critical or even condemnatory epithet is too frequent in newspapers to need much supporting elaboration. Andrew Rawnsley writing in The Observer on 13th July 2008 is but one example of a continuing journalistic convention. Rawnsley cited the drawbacks for politicians who preach in their campaigning via a long catalogue of negatives about the idea of preaching which included delivering patronising lectures from a position of immense privilege, wringing their hands about the sins of the world without offering any practical answers to improve society, and simplified to the point of parody. These kinds of associations related to the idea of preaching cannot be simply dismissed if it is to be argued that the practice of preaching within the churches is closely related to wider social trends. Instead, the contemporary bias that associates preaching with that which is intellectually lazy, emotionally sterile, untrustworthy, or simply passà ©, must be treated as a factor that needs to be addressed in considering the mechanisms of collective memory. That said, it must also be acknowledged that the assertion that preachings low social esteem is a modern phenomenon is not wholly true. Like the contemporary negative connotations of preaching, the characterization of preaching as formerly being held in great social esteem, is a generalization that obscures as much as it discloses. In the famous passage concerning preaching in Anthony Trollopes novel Barchester Towers the negativity usually judged as modern is apparent even at the so-called high-point of Victorian religious practice. Written between April 1855 and November 1856, Trollopes words contain the same kind of criticisms and sense of hostility encountered colloquially nowadays. He wrote: There is, perhaps, no greater hardship at present inflicted on mankind in civilized and free countries, than the necessity of listening to sermons. No one but a preaching clergyman has, in these realms, the power of compelling an audience to sit silent, and be tormented. No one but a preaching clergyman can revel in platitudes, truisms, and untruisms, and yet receive, as his undisputed privilege, the same respectful demeanour as though words of impassioned eloquence, or persuasive logic, fell from his lips. No one can rid himself of the preaching clergyman. He is the bore of the age, the old man whom we Sinbads cannot shake off, the nightmare that disturbs our Sundays rest, the incubus that overloads our religion and makes Gods service distasteful. We are not forced into church! No: but we desire more than that. We desire not to be forced to stay away. We desire, nay, we are resolute, to enjoy the comfort of public worship; but we desire also that we may do so without an amount of tedium which ordinary human nature cannot endure with patience; that we may be able to leave the house of God, without that anxious longing for escape, which is the common consequence of common sermons. (Trollope, 1995: 43-44) Only the assumption that Sunday worship is the norm and the invariable gender of the preacher signifies Trollopes diatribe as of another age. The notion of a static audience enduring a platitudinous and boring verbal presentation has an altogether familiar ring about it. As Colin Morris (1996: xi) points out, it is significant that the first series of the Lyman-Beecher Lectures on Preaching established at Yale University in the 1870s ended with a lecture entitled, Is Preaching Finished? Needless to say, the lecture firmly declared that preaching had a future; but, put alongside Trollopes criticisms, it demonstrates that negativity about sermons predates the age of mass electronic communication. In recent years, numerous influential homileticians have described preaching as being in crisis (for example, Jensen, (1993); Wilson, (1988); Morris, (1996)), but too often such worried analysis has overstated the contemporaneity of the problem. 2.2 The perception of a crisis in preaching. Three recurring emphases are common to the arguments of those who see the crisis in preaching as something of recent origin, namely: a widespread loss of confidence in institutions; a change in socially learnt communicative skills; and the all-pervasive influence of television and associated vehicles of mass communication. So, to amplify those three aspects, the argument is usually made in the following kinds of terms. First, not only has the severe decline in commitment to religious institutions in recent times resulted in far fewer people actually hearing sermons, even those who do experience preaching at firsthand are much less likely to treat sermons as being particularly significant than did their immediate forebears. Scepticism, and a questioning outlook that constantly raises issues of credibility, is part of the very air of social intercourse, and preaching has no social independence from such an atmosphere. Like every other voice, the preaching voice is one voice amongst a myriad of other voices, and is just as harried by questions of authenticity, doubt and competition as any other voice. Contemporary European society, it is said, has a fundamentally anti-authoritarian aspect to it that will not allow any single voice ultimate authority. Preaching, therefore, which is usually considered to require special and very particular authority being attributed to the preacher, is especially suspec t. This, in turn, has ramifications for those who preach, since as individuals they are just as much influenced by these contextual pressures as anyone else. This means that preachers, whatever they claim in public, almost inevitably have less confidence in the preaching task than even their recent predecessors. Second, in what the Italian philosopher Gianni Vattimo (2001: 230) has termed a society of generalized communication, the very nature of communication itself has profoundly shifted. It is as if everything in human experience has become an object of communication. This shift is often associated with consumerism because, it is argued, such a process of ever widening objects of communication allows more and more events, things, and relationships to become marketable commodities. This expansion, however, brings with it three difficult consequences: it vastly increases the number and range of communication events each person encounters day by day, with a resulting loss in focus, concentration, and time spent on each one; it so stimulates the psychological and physical experience of each person that peoples boredom thresholds have decreased dramatically; and it makes communication itself part of the constantly changing, consumption dominated, arena of style and fashion. These things are pa rticularly problematic for preaching since they mean hearers have ever shortening attention spans, feel they need to be stimulated by what they hear, and employ fashion-like judgments to both their readiness to listen and their willingness to respond (Rogness, 1994: 27-29). Coupled with these changes comes an emphasis on technique in communication, and a preference for labelling unacceptable ideas or challenges as a failure in communication. As a result preachers face intense pressures to conform, both in terms of the content of sermons and the techniques of presentation, to what is socially acceptable simply to gain a hearing. Accordingly, it is argued that the requirement to attract attention and engagement is of a wholly more onerous intensity than it ever was in past times. In the distracted age that is contemporary society the static commitment and attention required of sermon audiences is so counter-cultural as to be almost unachievable. Third, the argument gives prominence to the absolute dominance of television as the popular medium, and characterizes contemporary culture as televisual and post-literate. It is said that through television, for the first time in the history of humanity, children are being socialized into image use prior to word use (see Warren, 1997). Consequently, the use of words is likely to no longer occupy the pole position in social discourse, but rather to occupy an inherently second order, commentary position. In other words, our culture has shifted from a reading-formed preference towards the ear over the eye, to an image-formed favouring of the eye over the ear, with an obviously detrimental effect on a word dominated form like preaching. Television also appears to be an open and democratized form of communication that offers the prospect of an absolutely free flow of information. It tantalizes with the notion that anything that happens will be almost instantaneously communicable; an impre ssion further reinforced by the Internet. Of course there are serious criticisms to be made of these judgments, but they are nevertheless widely persuasive, at least at face value, both because of the sensory immediacy of the medium and because of the entertainment factors closely allied with it. In comparison preaching seems a highly subjectivized personal choice in which the preacher demands of an audience assent without prior consent and justification, and in which the factor of entertainment does not figure at all. In a televisual world of a seemingly infinite number of stories, preachings insistence, as it is perceived, on the one story of Gods relationship with humanity in Jesus Christ seems partial and even tedious. Those who lived before the development of electronic media lived lives in which stories, colour, and pictures were rare and precious events; people of the televisual age inhabit a world alive with an ever changing array of images, colours and narratives. Is it any wonder then that preaching that developed as a communication technique in that pre-television world is thought of as having become outmoded? Such are the usual parameters of the argument—broadly stated, no doubt, and perhaps caricatured a little—of recent scholarly analysis of the social location of the practice of preaching in contemporary European society. Interestingly, it is apparent that the scholarly commentary not only echoes colloquial opinion about the recentness of the relative decline of the authority afforded preaching, but also the reasons given for that decline. One of questions which this thesis seeks to address is whether such judgments adequately represent what is actually going on in the act of preaching, and whether by an all too easy assumption of preaching as an essentially distinctive activity somehow distanced from other forms of discourse such analysis does not fall prey to the very forces it is trying to counter. After the hiatus caused by World War II, the BBC resumed television broadcasting in 1946, and the commencement of broadcasting by commercial stations in 1955 accelerated the use of the medium. By 1958 the number of British households with a TV exceeded those with only a radio (Mathias, 2006). Given the above discussion of the widely perceived influence of new electronic media and TVs escalating use, the 1950s seem an appropriate starting point for the consideration of publications dealing with preaching. Quite apart from this more commonplace sense of a shift having taking place, scholarly analysis of both Church history and homiletics tends to support the idea that very significant changes relevant to the thesis topic did in fact occur at this period. Those changes were not necessarily recognized at the time; perhaps an indication of the lag that occurs as the memories of one generation gives way to those of a succeeding one. One British preacher, however, was alert to the possibili ty that something profound was happening. That preacher was a R. E. C. Charlie Browne, a Manchester vicar, whose 1950s reflections on the preaching task turned out to be amazingly prescient of things that would become major concerns years later. Browne serves as a marker of change. It is sensible, therefore, to examine Browne in some detail before returning to the more general overview. 2.3 R. E. C. Browne as a marker of the changing social location of preaching. R.E.C. Brownes The Ministry of the Word was first published in 1958 in a series of short works entitled Studies in Ministry and Worship under the overall editorship of Professor Geoffrey Lampe. Lampes editorship lent theological credibility to a series that was notable on two counts. First, it was decidedly ecumenical (for example, two of the studies were by Max Thurian, who later became internationally known as the theological expositor of the ecumenical Taizà © community); and second, it was written from a perspective that only later would be widely termed applied or practical theology. Brownes book is the acknowledged masterpiece of the series and has been reissued three times since its first publication (1976, 1984 and 1994), as well as being published in the United States in 1982. Writing in 1986, Bishop Richard Hanson said of it: This is no little volume of helpful hints about preaching but a profound study of the meaning and use of language in relation to theology and to faith, and one that will outlast all the ephemeral booklets about how to preach. (in Corbett, 1986: v) Just why this work has been so frequently referred to in a wide variety of Christian traditions will be considered later, but for the purposes of the present discussion the crucial point is the historical context of its writing and publication. Browne wrote the book whilst he was Rector of the parish of Saint Chrysostum, Victoria Park, Manchester in the 1950s. Ronald Preston, in a foreword to one edition of The Ministry of the Word, describes Victoria Park as having moved rapidly since the 1920s from the remains of enclosed and privileged nineteenth-century affluence to near disintegration (in Browne, 1976: 10). He notes also, however, that the St Chrysostums relative proximity to the university and the citys main teaching hospital made it a base from which Brownes influence spread widely. Hanson records that it was a parish where the personality and abilities alone of the incumbent cleric could attract worshippers (Corbett, 1986: iv). In other words, several aspects of the social world that historians like Hastings (1986), Welsby (1984), and Hylson-Smith (1998) have characterized as typical of the 1950s were clearly likely to have been there in Brownes experience of the ministerial life. For example, Welsby commenting on t he monthly journal Theology in the two immediately post-war decades notes how it was widely read by parish clergy and acted as a connecting bridge between the concerns of academia and local church life, and concludes: It is significant, however, that fundamental matters, such as belief in God or in Christ were seldom discussed in its pages, as though these theological foundations were secure and might be taken for granted. This could be a symbol of much of the theology of the forties and fifties. There was a self-confidence and security so that even those who did write about God, Christology, of the Church did so as though the basis of belief was unquestionably right. (Welsby, 1984: 67) Elsewhere in the same book Welsby notes that the seeds of radical change were present in the 1950s but went unperceived, and he describes the atmosphere in the Church of England as one of complacency and an apparent unawareness of trends already present which were to burst to the surface in the sixties (1984: 94). Browne most certainly did not share that unawareness and frankly acknowledged the difficulties of communicating the gospel despite the relatively secure social position of theological thought and institutional belief. Far from being in an unassailable authoritative position, he described preachers as living and preaching in an age when there is general perplexity and bewilderment about authority, and as all too unwittingly signifying that perplexity in the language and thought expressed in the pulpit (Browne, 1976: 33). Browne would probably have concurred with Adrian Hastings opinion that in the ebb and flow of the intellectual tide in the twentieth century, the 1950s marked a high water point of sympathy for the Christian faith in contrast to the high point for secularism immediately after World War I (Hastings, 1986: 491), but he nevertheless argued that effective preaching required new symbols because new human knowledge has disabled the old ones (Browne, 1976: 107). Hastings, looking back on the times in which Browne wrote, asserts: There was never a time since the middle of the nineteenth century when Christian faith was either taken so seriously by the generality of the more intelligent or could make such a good case for itself. (Hastings, 1986: 491) Browne himself is rather more querulous in his reflections and quotes approvingly from Emmanuel Mounier: There is a comfortable atheism, as there is a comfortable Christianity. They meet on the same swampy ground, and their collisions are the ruder for their awareness and irritable resentment of the weakening of their profound differences beneath the common kinship of their habits. The prospect of personal annihilation no more disturbs the contented sleep of the average radical-socialist than does horror of the divine transcendence or terror of reprobation disturb the spiritual digestion of the habituà ©s of the midday Mass. Forgetfulness of these truisms is the reason why so many discussions are still hampered by naà ¯ve susceptibilities. Emmanuel Mounier, The Spoil of the Violent, Harvill Press, 1955: 25 (as cited in Browne, 1976: 109) Browne was conscious that amongst the comforts of wide social acknowledgement and respect other more challenging forces were becoming apparent. Browne is wary of any intellectual triumphalism on the part of preachers and insists that in attempting to address the atheist, or the wholly religiously indifferent unperturbed post-atheist, it is always necessary to establish pastoral rapport first (1976: 110). Sometimes, he admits, such rapport will be impossible to establish (1976: 110). Paradoxically, as Hastings notes (1986: 492, 496), the 1950s were at one and the same time an era in which religion was considered seriously by a number of the great cultural and intellectual figures of the day (such as Dorothy L. Sayers (1893-1957), Carl Jung (1875-1961), Graham Sutherland (1903-80), Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889-1975) and Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951), to name just a few) and in which the radical agnosticism and secularism born of earlier times also flourished (for examples see the works of A.J. Ayer (1910-89), C.P. Snow (1905-80), A.J.P. Taylor (1906-90) and Hugh Trevor-Roper (1914-2003)). Perhaps it was that Browne realized i n a way other preachers did not, that although these two worlds of thought existed side by side the competition between them was not in any way equal. As Hylson-Smith observes, by the end of World War II the environmental context of all cultural activity was essentially secular (1998: 212). That point was a matter of essential concern to a preacher like Browne who regarded sermons as an artistic activity requiring similar processes of social understanding and interaction as those necessary to the production of music, poetry or painting (Browne, 1976: 18). Browne writes rather ruefully: Christians have the naà ¯ve idea that the arts, specially drama, could and should be extensively used for the proclamation of the gospel. In the first place Christian artists cannot easily and quickly find a way of expressing Christian doctrine in a community which is not moved by Christian symbols. Indeed at present there is no common symbolism Christian or otherwise and Christian artists are found incomprehensible and disturbing by their fellow Christians who cannot justify the authority of new forms and somehow feel that old forms might be patched and brought up-to-date. In the second place whenever the church tries to use art as a method of propaganda her integrity and authority are severely questioned by just those whose conversion would be most significant. (1976: 35) There is here an early recognition of that social forgetfulness of Christian symbols that would a generation later become a commonplace assessment of religious traditions in contemporary Britain. For Browne the preachers purpose was to seek answers about the most profound aspects of human concern and experience with the single-mindedness and commitment of an honest artist. Easy answers to difficult questions, or formulaic responses to deep questioning, were to Browne a betrayal of preachings very purpose. For him nothing less than the artists earnest wrestling to express the inexpressible was good enough. It is hard to imagine that Browne was untroubled that the things of artistic expression, with one or two notable exceptions, seemed less and less concerned with religious ideas, and that the churches appeared indifferent to the fact (Hylson-Smith, 1998: 212). As favourable to inherited ideas of religious expression as the climate of the 1950s appears viewed from the beginning of the twenty-first century, Browne, as a preacher active during those years, offers an altogether less sanguine appraisal. That his book dwells extensively on the issue of meaning and the use of language in relationship to the expression of faith indicates that he did not share the easy certainties regarding the communication of religious ideas that were still prevalent within the institutional church of his day. Brownes commitment to preaching as a necessary part of Christian community life is absolute, but his insistence that its practice is most like the creation of a work of art or a poem makes plain its inherent limitations: the sermon can no more readily define the truth in absolute terms than can the artist or poet (1976: 18). Such an insistence shifts the authority given to preaching from one of power, described as six foot above contradiction, to the altoge ther different position implied in later years by terms such as Fords communicative expertise which is self-authenticating (Ford, 1979: 235), or Taylors fragile words (Taylor, 1998: 121). Like such later homileticians, Browne believed preachers should not claim too much for their efforts. That reserve, however, should not be mistaken for a hesitation about the necessity or value of preaching. In his work there is no hint of the thought of later theorists who sought to abandon preaching completely. Brownes reserve is a perceptive awareness that, to use the terminology of Adrian Hastings, although the comfortably traditionalist church of his times was undergoing a period of confident revival (1986: 504) it was in fact finding it harder and harder to connect with the generality of people in terms of shared symbols and meanings. Browne was ahead of his time in his recognition that the changing social context of ministry had direct ramifications for the power and authority of the preacher. He wrote: What ministers of the Word say may seem too little to live on, but they must not go beyond their authority in a mistaken attempt to make their authority strong and clear. That going beyond is always the outcome of an atheistic anxiety, or a sign that the man of God has succumbed to the temptation to speak as a god, to come in his own name and to be his own authority. (Browne, 1976: 40) Such sentiments are echoed in the more recent application of contemporary philosophy to preaching by the American scholar John S. McClure (2001). Nevertheless, in terms of homiletic theory in Britain in the twentieth-century, Brownes was a voice that offered a new appreciation of the actual communicative environment in which sermons were placed. His book demonstrates that the radical calling into question of the methodologies of preaching pre-dates both the crisis noted by such commentators as Ford (1979) or Jensen (1993) and the colloquial assumption that in the 1950s, before the widespread use of television, the place of the sermon was assured. This concern about preachings power to engage attention indicates that the shifts that will be analysed when this study returns to the consideration of collective memory must extend wide enough to include responses such as those of Browne. The unease with homiletic methodology that Brownes work expressed provides a justification for this review using his analysis as its historical starting point. Consequently, there now follows an overview of trends in preaching since Brownes book that aims to provide both general orientation and a framework within which works discussed later can be placed. 2.4 Trends in the theory and practice of preaching since the mid 1950s. O.C. Edwards in his A History of Preaching notes that the 25 year period ending in 1955 turned out to be the high-point of the social standing and influence of traditional Protestant churches (2004: 665). Whilst that judgment may seem too effusive and unqualified when applied to the United Kingdom, it does, nevertheless, indicate the reality of the institutional confidence that was prevalent in churches on both sides of the Atlantic at the time. That confidence had direct ramifications for preaching: as Hastings puts it, in the immediate post-war years preaching as both art and edifying was still alive and cherished (1986: 462). The comment comes in a passage in A History of English Christianity 1920 1985 (1986: 436-472) that deals with the Free Churches, in which Hastings cites the influential preaching ministries of Leslie Weatherhead (1893-1975), W.E. Sangster (1900-1960), and Donald Soper (1903-1998)—all of whom drew large numbers to hear them preach. In the same section of his book, however, comes this stark conclusion: The mid-1950s can be dated pretty precisely as the end of the age of preaching: people suddenly ceased to think it worthwhile listening to a special preacher. Whether this was caused by the religious shift produced by the liturgical movement or by the spread of television or by some other alteration in human sensibility is not clear. But the change is clear. (1986: 465) Hastings is perhaps a little too hesitant in his judgement about what prompted this change. Although numerous theological and social factors were obviously significant, the turn towards television as a predominating pastime must surely have been the crucial prompter of change in the way people spent their time. That preaching, at the beginning of the 1950s at least, remained dominated by agendas and styles drawn from previous generations is evident in the fact that a number of books from those earlier times remained in frequent use. Bishop Phillips Brooks had delivered his eight lectures on preaching at Yale Divinity School in the Lyman Beecher Lectureship of January and February 1877, but his advice was still considered pertinent enough to warrant the publication of a British fifth edition in 1957. Similarly, Harry Emerson Fosdicks Lyman Beecher lectures of the winter of 1923-4, entitled The Modern Use of the Bible, were last re-issued in their published form as late as 1961; and Leslie Weatherheads Lyman Beecher lectures of 1948-9, although only published in part in his book Psychology, Religion and Healing in 1957, was re-issued in 1974. Two crucial points are suggested by the longevity of these works: first, although the 1950s do indeed mark a watershed in preachings social location, it is clear that the consequences of that change were not apparent with the same force, nor at the same rate, Analysis of Contemporary British Preaching Styles Analysis of Contemporary British Preaching Styles The concept of preaching Chapter Two Contextual Literature Review 2.1 Establishing a starting point. Sermons are not a kind of discourse given much serious public attention in twenty-first century Britain. The very concept of preaching often brings with it negative connotations. To accuse any contemporary commentator of preaching is to suggest that unsubstantiated opinions are being delivered in a tedious manner. That in such common usage preaching is almost invariably a highly critical or even condemnatory epithet indicates something of the social standing of the practice of preaching. Preaching is not an activity that is generally thought of as either intellectually or emotionally engaging. It is, rather, something that is considered to be at best passà ©, and at worst wholly untrustworthy. If challenged, those who speak of preaching in such pejorative terms will often cite the cultural distance in practice and understanding between contemporary society and the sermon form as the basis of their judgment. Mention will be made of the social irrelevance of the content of typical sermons, the perceived authoritarian position of the preacher, and the strangeness of the environment in which sermons usually occur. It is also likely that the methodology employed will be judged anachronistic, static, long-winded, and overly didactic for people used to the methods and time-frames of electronic media. The implication is that preaching is somehow out of place in modern society and that, therefore, the negative attitudes displayed in the colloquial use of the term preaching is something new. It is fashionably contemporary to adopt a contemptuous or at best a jocular attitude towards preaching. I use the term fashionably to emphasize that preaching is not the only discourse to receiv e such widespread opprobrium: advertising is similarly widely scorned yet, given the vast sums of money spent on it, is evidently effective nonetheless (Kilbourne, 1999: 34). Voiced contempt of preaching as a worthwhile actively is not necessarily to be taken at face value. As has been stated in the introduction, this thesis seeks to present an analysis of contemporary British preaching as a practice of social mnemonics. As the idea of social practice in that terminology refers to the whole of society rather than an interest group or a few like-minded people gathered together, such a perspective may appear to be an oxymoron given that recent poling suggests only just over six per cent of the adult population of the UK are churchgoers (see Brierley, 2008). This literature review will, nevertheless, seek to establish that Christian preachers who have reflected in depth on their practice in recent generations have invariably assumed that homiletics is an aspect of public discourse rather than an institutionally confined and specialized type of communication. In recent times, justifying that assumption has become more and more difficult, as this review will demonstrate. It has to be admitted that preaching no longer has the place in society-wide awareness i t once enjoyed, despite the occasional headline making exceptions, such as Archbishop Robert Runcies sermon at the Falklands War Memorial Service on 26th June 1982 that reportedly so annoyed the then Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher (Brown, 2000). Despite the decline in preachings social status, this study argues that there are always connections between homiletic theory and wider social discourse, and that discovering those connections is a mnemonic skill required of all preachers. That many studies (for example, Ford. (1979); Bausch, (1996); and Day, Astley and Francis, (2005)) have observed that since at least the 1960s the idea of preaching as a worthwhile arena of social discourse has been repeatedly and vigorously questioned is part of the contextualization with which this thesis is concerned. That the very word preaching brings with it negative connotations that touch even regular Christian worshippers, as N.T. Wright observes in his foreword to the Reader on Preaching (Day, 2005: ix), is part of the social understanding this study aims to examine. The colloquial usage that applies the word preaching to the expression of any unsubstantiated opinions, or any speech delivered in a tedious manner, is not a prejudice that serious homiletic theory can simply ignore. That usage is widespread and is, for example, represented in the 1995 edition of the Oxford English Reference Dictionary where the second definition of preach is give moral advice in an obtrusive w ay. Similarly, the use of the word preaching as a highly critical or even condemnatory epithet is too frequent in newspapers to need much supporting elaboration. Andrew Rawnsley writing in The Observer on 13th July 2008 is but one example of a continuing journalistic convention. Rawnsley cited the drawbacks for politicians who preach in their campaigning via a long catalogue of negatives about the idea of preaching which included delivering patronising lectures from a position of immense privilege, wringing their hands about the sins of the world without offering any practical answers to improve society, and simplified to the point of parody. These kinds of associations related to the idea of preaching cannot be simply dismissed if it is to be argued that the practice of preaching within the churches is closely related to wider social trends. Instead, the contemporary bias that associates preaching with that which is intellectually lazy, emotionally sterile, untrustworthy, or simply passà ©, must be treated as a factor that needs to be addressed in considering the mechanisms of collective memory. That said, it must also be acknowledged that the assertion that preachings low social esteem is a modern phenomenon is not wholly true. Like the contemporary negative connotations of preaching, the characterization of preaching as formerly being held in great social esteem, is a generalization that obscures as much as it discloses. In the famous passage concerning preaching in Anthony Trollopes novel Barchester Towers the negativity usually judged as modern is apparent even at the so-called high-point of Victorian religious practice. Written between April 1855 and November 1856, Trollopes words contain the same kind of criticisms and sense of hostility encountered colloquially nowadays. He wrote: There is, perhaps, no greater hardship at present inflicted on mankind in civilized and free countries, than the necessity of listening to sermons. No one but a preaching clergyman has, in these realms, the power of compelling an audience to sit silent, and be tormented. No one but a preaching clergyman can revel in platitudes, truisms, and untruisms, and yet receive, as his undisputed privilege, the same respectful demeanour as though words of impassioned eloquence, or persuasive logic, fell from his lips. No one can rid himself of the preaching clergyman. He is the bore of the age, the old man whom we Sinbads cannot shake off, the nightmare that disturbs our Sundays rest, the incubus that overloads our religion and makes Gods service distasteful. We are not forced into church! No: but we desire more than that. We desire not to be forced to stay away. We desire, nay, we are resolute, to enjoy the comfort of public worship; but we desire also that we may do so without an amount of tedium which ordinary human nature cannot endure with patience; that we may be able to leave the house of God, without that anxious longing for escape, which is the common consequence of common sermons. (Trollope, 1995: 43-44) Only the assumption that Sunday worship is the norm and the invariable gender of the preacher signifies Trollopes diatribe as of another age. The notion of a static audience enduring a platitudinous and boring verbal presentation has an altogether familiar ring about it. As Colin Morris (1996: xi) points out, it is significant that the first series of the Lyman-Beecher Lectures on Preaching established at Yale University in the 1870s ended with a lecture entitled, Is Preaching Finished? Needless to say, the lecture firmly declared that preaching had a future; but, put alongside Trollopes criticisms, it demonstrates that negativity about sermons predates the age of mass electronic communication. In recent years, numerous influential homileticians have described preaching as being in crisis (for example, Jensen, (1993); Wilson, (1988); Morris, (1996)), but too often such worried analysis has overstated the contemporaneity of the problem. 2.2 The perception of a crisis in preaching. Three recurring emphases are common to the arguments of those who see the crisis in preaching as something of recent origin, namely: a widespread loss of confidence in institutions; a change in socially learnt communicative skills; and the all-pervasive influence of television and associated vehicles of mass communication. So, to amplify those three aspects, the argument is usually made in the following kinds of terms. First, not only has the severe decline in commitment to religious institutions in recent times resulted in far fewer people actually hearing sermons, even those who do experience preaching at firsthand are much less likely to treat sermons as being particularly significant than did their immediate forebears. Scepticism, and a questioning outlook that constantly raises issues of credibility, is part of the very air of social intercourse, and preaching has no social independence from such an atmosphere. Like every other voice, the preaching voice is one voice amongst a myriad of other voices, and is just as harried by questions of authenticity, doubt and competition as any other voice. Contemporary European society, it is said, has a fundamentally anti-authoritarian aspect to it that will not allow any single voice ultimate authority. Preaching, therefore, which is usually considered to require special and very particular authority being attributed to the preacher, is especially suspec t. This, in turn, has ramifications for those who preach, since as individuals they are just as much influenced by these contextual pressures as anyone else. This means that preachers, whatever they claim in public, almost inevitably have less confidence in the preaching task than even their recent predecessors. Second, in what the Italian philosopher Gianni Vattimo (2001: 230) has termed a society of generalized communication, the very nature of communication itself has profoundly shifted. It is as if everything in human experience has become an object of communication. This shift is often associated with consumerism because, it is argued, such a process of ever widening objects of communication allows more and more events, things, and relationships to become marketable commodities. This expansion, however, brings with it three difficult consequences: it vastly increases the number and range of communication events each person encounters day by day, with a resulting loss in focus, concentration, and time spent on each one; it so stimulates the psychological and physical experience of each person that peoples boredom thresholds have decreased dramatically; and it makes communication itself part of the constantly changing, consumption dominated, arena of style and fashion. These things are pa rticularly problematic for preaching since they mean hearers have ever shortening attention spans, feel they need to be stimulated by what they hear, and employ fashion-like judgments to both their readiness to listen and their willingness to respond (Rogness, 1994: 27-29). Coupled with these changes comes an emphasis on technique in communication, and a preference for labelling unacceptable ideas or challenges as a failure in communication. As a result preachers face intense pressures to conform, both in terms of the content of sermons and the techniques of presentation, to what is socially acceptable simply to gain a hearing. Accordingly, it is argued that the requirement to attract attention and engagement is of a wholly more onerous intensity than it ever was in past times. In the distracted age that is contemporary society the static commitment and attention required of sermon audiences is so counter-cultural as to be almost unachievable. Third, the argument gives prominence to the absolute dominance of television as the popular medium, and characterizes contemporary culture as televisual and post-literate. It is said that through television, for the first time in the history of humanity, children are being socialized into image use prior to word use (see Warren, 1997). Consequently, the use of words is likely to no longer occupy the pole position in social discourse, but rather to occupy an inherently second order, commentary position. In other words, our culture has shifted from a reading-formed preference towards the ear over the eye, to an image-formed favouring of the eye over the ear, with an obviously detrimental effect on a word dominated form like preaching. Television also appears to be an open and democratized form of communication that offers the prospect of an absolutely free flow of information. It tantalizes with the notion that anything that happens will be almost instantaneously communicable; an impre ssion further reinforced by the Internet. Of course there are serious criticisms to be made of these judgments, but they are nevertheless widely persuasive, at least at face value, both because of the sensory immediacy of the medium and because of the entertainment factors closely allied with it. In comparison preaching seems a highly subjectivized personal choice in which the preacher demands of an audience assent without prior consent and justification, and in which the factor of entertainment does not figure at all. In a televisual world of a seemingly infinite number of stories, preachings insistence, as it is perceived, on the one story of Gods relationship with humanity in Jesus Christ seems partial and even tedious. Those who lived before the development of electronic media lived lives in which stories, colour, and pictures were rare and precious events; people of the televisual age inhabit a world alive with an ever changing array of images, colours and narratives. Is it any wonder then that preaching that developed as a communication technique in that pre-television world is thought of as having become outmoded? Such are the usual parameters of the argument—broadly stated, no doubt, and perhaps caricatured a little—of recent scholarly analysis of the social location of the practice of preaching in contemporary European society. Interestingly, it is apparent that the scholarly commentary not only echoes colloquial opinion about the recentness of the relative decline of the authority afforded preaching, but also the reasons given for that decline. One of questions which this thesis seeks to address is whether such judgments adequately represent what is actually going on in the act of preaching, and whether by an all too easy assumption of preaching as an essentially distinctive activity somehow distanced from other forms of discourse such analysis does not fall prey to the very forces it is trying to counter. After the hiatus caused by World War II, the BBC resumed television broadcasting in 1946, and the commencement of broadcasting by commercial stations in 1955 accelerated the use of the medium. By 1958 the number of British households with a TV exceeded those with only a radio (Mathias, 2006). Given the above discussion of the widely perceived influence of new electronic media and TVs escalating use, the 1950s seem an appropriate starting point for the consideration of publications dealing with preaching. Quite apart from this more commonplace sense of a shift having taking place, scholarly analysis of both Church history and homiletics tends to support the idea that very significant changes relevant to the thesis topic did in fact occur at this period. Those changes were not necessarily recognized at the time; perhaps an indication of the lag that occurs as the memories of one generation gives way to those of a succeeding one. One British preacher, however, was alert to the possibili ty that something profound was happening. That preacher was a R. E. C. Charlie Browne, a Manchester vicar, whose 1950s reflections on the preaching task turned out to be amazingly prescient of things that would become major concerns years later. Browne serves as a marker of change. It is sensible, therefore, to examine Browne in some detail before returning to the more general overview. 2.3 R. E. C. Browne as a marker of the changing social location of preaching. R.E.C. Brownes The Ministry of the Word was first published in 1958 in a series of short works entitled Studies in Ministry and Worship under the overall editorship of Professor Geoffrey Lampe. Lampes editorship lent theological credibility to a series that was notable on two counts. First, it was decidedly ecumenical (for example, two of the studies were by Max Thurian, who later became internationally known as the theological expositor of the ecumenical Taizà © community); and second, it was written from a perspective that only later would be widely termed applied or practical theology. Brownes book is the acknowledged masterpiece of the series and has been reissued three times since its first publication (1976, 1984 and 1994), as well as being published in the United States in 1982. Writing in 1986, Bishop Richard Hanson said of it: This is no little volume of helpful hints about preaching but a profound study of the meaning and use of language in relation to theology and to faith, and one that will outlast all the ephemeral booklets about how to preach. (in Corbett, 1986: v) Just why this work has been so frequently referred to in a wide variety of Christian traditions will be considered later, but for the purposes of the present discussion the crucial point is the historical context of its writing and publication. Browne wrote the book whilst he was Rector of the parish of Saint Chrysostum, Victoria Park, Manchester in the 1950s. Ronald Preston, in a foreword to one edition of The Ministry of the Word, describes Victoria Park as having moved rapidly since the 1920s from the remains of enclosed and privileged nineteenth-century affluence to near disintegration (in Browne, 1976: 10). He notes also, however, that the St Chrysostums relative proximity to the university and the citys main teaching hospital made it a base from which Brownes influence spread widely. Hanson records that it was a parish where the personality and abilities alone of the incumbent cleric could attract worshippers (Corbett, 1986: iv). In other words, several aspects of the social world that historians like Hastings (1986), Welsby (1984), and Hylson-Smith (1998) have characterized as typical of the 1950s were clearly likely to have been there in Brownes experience of the ministerial life. For example, Welsby commenting on t he monthly journal Theology in the two immediately post-war decades notes how it was widely read by parish clergy and acted as a connecting bridge between the concerns of academia and local church life, and concludes: It is significant, however, that fundamental matters, such as belief in God or in Christ were seldom discussed in its pages, as though these theological foundations were secure and might be taken for granted. This could be a symbol of much of the theology of the forties and fifties. There was a self-confidence and security so that even those who did write about God, Christology, of the Church did so as though the basis of belief was unquestionably right. (Welsby, 1984: 67) Elsewhere in the same book Welsby notes that the seeds of radical change were present in the 1950s but went unperceived, and he describes the atmosphere in the Church of England as one of complacency and an apparent unawareness of trends already present which were to burst to the surface in the sixties (1984: 94). Browne most certainly did not share that unawareness and frankly acknowledged the difficulties of communicating the gospel despite the relatively secure social position of theological thought and institutional belief. Far from being in an unassailable authoritative position, he described preachers as living and preaching in an age when there is general perplexity and bewilderment about authority, and as all too unwittingly signifying that perplexity in the language and thought expressed in the pulpit (Browne, 1976: 33). Browne would probably have concurred with Adrian Hastings opinion that in the ebb and flow of the intellectual tide in the twentieth century, the 1950s marked a high water point of sympathy for the Christian faith in contrast to the high point for secularism immediately after World War I (Hastings, 1986: 491), but he nevertheless argued that effective preaching required new symbols because new human knowledge has disabled the old ones (Browne, 1976: 107). Hastings, looking back on the times in which Browne wrote, asserts: There was never a time since the middle of the nineteenth century when Christian faith was either taken so seriously by the generality of the more intelligent or could make such a good case for itself. (Hastings, 1986: 491) Browne himself is rather more querulous in his reflections and quotes approvingly from Emmanuel Mounier: There is a comfortable atheism, as there is a comfortable Christianity. They meet on the same swampy ground, and their collisions are the ruder for their awareness and irritable resentment of the weakening of their profound differences beneath the common kinship of their habits. The prospect of personal annihilation no more disturbs the contented sleep of the average radical-socialist than does horror of the divine transcendence or terror of reprobation disturb the spiritual digestion of the habituà ©s of the midday Mass. Forgetfulness of these truisms is the reason why so many discussions are still hampered by naà ¯ve susceptibilities. Emmanuel Mounier, The Spoil of the Violent, Harvill Press, 1955: 25 (as cited in Browne, 1976: 109) Browne was conscious that amongst the comforts of wide social acknowledgement and respect other more challenging forces were becoming apparent. Browne is wary of any intellectual triumphalism on the part of preachers and insists that in attempting to address the atheist, or the wholly religiously indifferent unperturbed post-atheist, it is always necessary to establish pastoral rapport first (1976: 110). Sometimes, he admits, such rapport will be impossible to establish (1976: 110). Paradoxically, as Hastings notes (1986: 492, 496), the 1950s were at one and the same time an era in which religion was considered seriously by a number of the great cultural and intellectual figures of the day (such as Dorothy L. Sayers (1893-1957), Carl Jung (1875-1961), Graham Sutherland (1903-80), Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889-1975) and Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951), to name just a few) and in which the radical agnosticism and secularism born of earlier times also flourished (for examples see the works of A.J. Ayer (1910-89), C.P. Snow (1905-80), A.J.P. Taylor (1906-90) and Hugh Trevor-Roper (1914-2003)). Perhaps it was that Browne realized i n a way other preachers did not, that although these two worlds of thought existed side by side the competition between them was not in any way equal. As Hylson-Smith observes, by the end of World War II the environmental context of all cultural activity was essentially secular (1998: 212). That point was a matter of essential concern to a preacher like Browne who regarded sermons as an artistic activity requiring similar processes of social understanding and interaction as those necessary to the production of music, poetry or painting (Browne, 1976: 18). Browne writes rather ruefully: Christians have the naà ¯ve idea that the arts, specially drama, could and should be extensively used for the proclamation of the gospel. In the first place Christian artists cannot easily and quickly find a way of expressing Christian doctrine in a community which is not moved by Christian symbols. Indeed at present there is no common symbolism Christian or otherwise and Christian artists are found incomprehensible and disturbing by their fellow Christians who cannot justify the authority of new forms and somehow feel that old forms might be patched and brought up-to-date. In the second place whenever the church tries to use art as a method of propaganda her integrity and authority are severely questioned by just those whose conversion would be most significant. (1976: 35) There is here an early recognition of that social forgetfulness of Christian symbols that would a generation later become a commonplace assessment of religious traditions in contemporary Britain. For Browne the preachers purpose was to seek answers about the most profound aspects of human concern and experience with the single-mindedness and commitment of an honest artist. Easy answers to difficult questions, or formulaic responses to deep questioning, were to Browne a betrayal of preachings very purpose. For him nothing less than the artists earnest wrestling to express the inexpressible was good enough. It is hard to imagine that Browne was untroubled that the things of artistic expression, with one or two notable exceptions, seemed less and less concerned with religious ideas, and that the churches appeared indifferent to the fact (Hylson-Smith, 1998: 212). As favourable to inherited ideas of religious expression as the climate of the 1950s appears viewed from the beginning of the twenty-first century, Browne, as a preacher active during those years, offers an altogether less sanguine appraisal. That his book dwells extensively on the issue of meaning and the use of language in relationship to the expression of faith indicates that he did not share the easy certainties regarding the communication of religious ideas that were still prevalent within the institutional church of his day. Brownes commitment to preaching as a necessary part of Christian community life is absolute, but his insistence that its practice is most like the creation of a work of art or a poem makes plain its inherent limitations: the sermon can no more readily define the truth in absolute terms than can the artist or poet (1976: 18). Such an insistence shifts the authority given to preaching from one of power, described as six foot above contradiction, to the altoge ther different position implied in later years by terms such as Fords communicative expertise which is self-authenticating (Ford, 1979: 235), or Taylors fragile words (Taylor, 1998: 121). Like such later homileticians, Browne believed preachers should not claim too much for their efforts. That reserve, however, should not be mistaken for a hesitation about the necessity or value of preaching. In his work there is no hint of the thought of later theorists who sought to abandon preaching completely. Brownes reserve is a perceptive awareness that, to use the terminology of Adrian Hastings, although the comfortably traditionalist church of his times was undergoing a period of confident revival (1986: 504) it was in fact finding it harder and harder to connect with the generality of people in terms of shared symbols and meanings. Browne was ahead of his time in his recognition that the changing social context of ministry had direct ramifications for the power and authority of the preacher. He wrote: What ministers of the Word say may seem too little to live on, but they must not go beyond their authority in a mistaken attempt to make their authority strong and clear. That going beyond is always the outcome of an atheistic anxiety, or a sign that the man of God has succumbed to the temptation to speak as a god, to come in his own name and to be his own authority. (Browne, 1976: 40) Such sentiments are echoed in the more recent application of contemporary philosophy to preaching by the American scholar John S. McClure (2001). Nevertheless, in terms of homiletic theory in Britain in the twentieth-century, Brownes was a voice that offered a new appreciation of the actual communicative environment in which sermons were placed. His book demonstrates that the radical calling into question of the methodologies of preaching pre-dates both the crisis noted by such commentators as Ford (1979) or Jensen (1993) and the colloquial assumption that in the 1950s, before the widespread use of television, the place of the sermon was assured. This concern about preachings power to engage attention indicates that the shifts that will be analysed when this study returns to the consideration of collective memory must extend wide enough to include responses such as those of Browne. The unease with homiletic methodology that Brownes work expressed provides a justification for this review using his analysis as its historical starting point. Consequently, there now follows an overview of trends in preaching since Brownes book that aims to provide both general orientation and a framework within which works discussed later can be placed. 2.4 Trends in the theory and practice of preaching since the mid 1950s. O.C. Edwards in his A History of Preaching notes that the 25 year period ending in 1955 turned out to be the high-point of the social standing and influence of traditional Protestant churches (2004: 665). Whilst that judgment may seem too effusive and unqualified when applied to the United Kingdom, it does, nevertheless, indicate the reality of the institutional confidence that was prevalent in churches on both sides of the Atlantic at the time. That confidence had direct ramifications for preaching: as Hastings puts it, in the immediate post-war years preaching as both art and edifying was still alive and cherished (1986: 462). The comment comes in a passage in A History of English Christianity 1920 1985 (1986: 436-472) that deals with the Free Churches, in which Hastings cites the influential preaching ministries of Leslie Weatherhead (1893-1975), W.E. Sangster (1900-1960), and Donald Soper (1903-1998)—all of whom drew large numbers to hear them preach. In the same section of his book, however, comes this stark conclusion: The mid-1950s can be dated pretty precisely as the end of the age of preaching: people suddenly ceased to think it worthwhile listening to a special preacher. Whether this was caused by the religious shift produced by the liturgical movement or by the spread of television or by some other alteration in human sensibility is not clear. But the change is clear. (1986: 465) Hastings is perhaps a little too hesitant in his judgement about what prompted this change. Although numerous theological and social factors were obviously significant, the turn towards television as a predominating pastime must surely have been the crucial prompter of change in the way people spent their time. That preaching, at the beginning of the 1950s at least, remained dominated by agendas and styles drawn from previous generations is evident in the fact that a number of books from those earlier times remained in frequent use. Bishop Phillips Brooks had delivered his eight lectures on preaching at Yale Divinity School in the Lyman Beecher Lectureship of January and February 1877, but his advice was still considered pertinent enough to warrant the publication of a British fifth edition in 1957. Similarly, Harry Emerson Fosdicks Lyman Beecher lectures of the winter of 1923-4, entitled The Modern Use of the Bible, were last re-issued in their published form as late as 1961; and Leslie Weatherheads Lyman Beecher lectures of 1948-9, although only published in part in his book Psychology, Religion and Healing in 1957, was re-issued in 1974. Two crucial points are suggested by the longevity of these works: first, although the 1950s do indeed mark a watershed in preachings social location, it is clear that the consequences of that change were not apparent with the same force, nor at the same rate,